South Africa Is Measuring Public Transport Failure With

South Africa Is Measuring Public Transport Failure With the Wrong Ruler

Bus rapid transit cannot be judged by passenger numbers and fare revenue alone. Before South Africa retreats from integrated public transport, it must measure the public value these systems were built to create.

South Africa’s bus rapid transit systems are increasingly described as failures. The charge is serious: passenger numbers have disappointed, fare revenue is weak, subsidies are under pressure and operating costs remain stubbornly high. With national grant funding for bus rapid transit now under strain, the temptation is to treat these indicators as a final verdict; and to begin dismantling an ambition that has proved difficult to deliver.

But a verdict is only as credible as the test used to reach it. If South Africa measures a public-policy intervention as though it were merely a commercial bus company, it will inevitably miss much of what that intervention was created to achieve. The urgent question is therefore not simply whether bus rapid transit has met its targets. It is whether the country is measuring the right things, and whether it risks abandoning the purpose of integrated public transport before it has properly evaluated the outcomes.

This debate came sharply into focus at the 44th Southern African Transport Conference, where evidence from George, Tshwane and Johannesburg revealed a more complicated picture than the language of success or failure allows. Taken together, the cases point to one conclusion: South Africa needs a common public-value framework for transport investment, and it needs one before funding decisions make policy by default.

A public service is more than a farebox

Ridership, revenue, subsidy levels and operating costs matter. They reveal whether a service attracts passengers, whether its finances are sustainable and whether public money is being managed responsibly. No credible evaluation should minimise them.

Yet integrated public transport networks were never conceived simply as profit-seeking enterprises. They were created as instruments of public policy: to connect people to work, education and healthcare; reduce the burden of mobility on low-income households; improve safety, dignity and accessibility; integrate fragmented services; support spatial transformation; and build cities that are more inclusive and sustainable.

Those outcomes are harder to count than ticket sales, but they are not less real. A system can struggle financially while still widening access to opportunity. It can miss ridership projections yet improve safety or reduce the time and uncertainty that govern a commuter’s day. Conversely, a well-used route can reproduce exclusion if it remains unaffordable, inaccessible or disconnected from where people live and work.

The point is not to excuse poor performance. It is to judge performance against the full purpose for which public money was committed. Commercial metrics tell us whether part of the system is working. They cannot, by themselves, tell us whether the policy has created public value.

Implementation failure is not the same as policy failure

When a transport system underperforms, the numbers identify a problem; they do not necessarily identify its cause. Low ridership may reflect unrealistic demand forecasts, poor network design, unreliable services, unaffordable fares, weak integration with existing operators or the stubborn distance between homes and economic opportunity. Financial stress may arise from governance failures, inadequate institutional capacity, an unstable funding model or a system deployed before the surrounding city was ready to support it.

These are not interchangeable diagnoses. Each demands a different remedy. Treating them all as proof that the underlying policy has failed is the equivalent of declaring a hospital unnecessary because it is badly managed. The management must be confronted, but the public need does not disappear.

This distinction matters because South Africa’s transport challenge is inseparable from its spatial history. Millions of people still travel long distances from peripheral communities to reach jobs and services. Public transport is therefore not only a mobility intervention; it is economic infrastructure and an instrument of social inclusion. If an implementation model fails, government must fix, redesign or replace that model. It should not quietly discard the public objective along with it.

What the evidence from our cities is telling us

The conference presentations showed why binary judgements are inadequate. In George, the GO GEORGE Co-Existence Programme is attempting something politically and operationally difficult: enabling formal bus services and licensed minibus taxis to operate concurrently, using phased performance standards and working towards integrated cashless fares. Its significance lies not only in the buses it moves, but in the institutional work of building coexistence rather than displacement.

The evolution of the GO GEORGE vendor network; from paper tickets towards automated fare collection; also exposes the often invisible labour required to include small local businesses in a formal public transport ecosystem. Such partnerships are fragile, but they matter in a country where transport reform can either broaden economic participation or concentrate it.

In Tshwane, research on a bus rapid transit trunk route estimated the annual cost of unreliability at R8.78 million. That figure turns an everyday commuter frustration into an economic case for investment. Reliability is not a cosmetic measure: it determines whether a worker arrives on time, whether a passenger trusts the service enough to use it again and whether the network can build the demand on which its finances depend.

Johannesburg’s T1 and T3 corridors offered another lesson. Analysis of 2024 on-board survey data linked peak-hour passenger imbalances and station-level boarding patterns to surrounding land use. The implication is profound: transport efficiency cannot be engineered inside the transport system alone. Where homes, jobs and services are poorly distributed, buses inherit the failures of urban planning. Empty seats in one direction may be less a verdict on the bus than a map of the city’s inequality.

The wrong comparison produces the wrong policy

Debate at the conference also exposed an inconsistency in the way South Africa judges its transport investments. Delegates asked why municipal bus rapid transit systems appear to face a different standard from the Gautrain. Others argued that it is bus rapid transit; not the broader ideal of an integrated public transport network; that has fallen short, even though the terms are routinely used as though they mean the same thing.

This is more than a semantic dispute. If the country cannot distinguish between a policy objective, a transport mode and a particular implementation model, it cannot learn accurately from experience. Nor can it compare investments fairly across geography, income groups and modes of transport.

A credible framework should apply consistent principles while recognising different mandates. It should ask what public problem an investment was intended to solve, for whom, at what cost, over what period and with what distribution of benefits. It should make subsidies visible, but also make social returns visible. Above all, it should prevent political preference or selective evidence from deciding which systems are deemed worthy of patience.

Put people, not projects, at the centre

The Batho Pele principle offers a useful starting point: people first. A public-value assessment should ask whether an investment improved access to jobs, schools, healthcare and social life; whether it reduced travel time, cost and uncertainty for poorer households; whether women, people with disabilities, older people and other vulnerable commuters can travel more safely and with greater dignity; whether formal and informal operators were integrated fairly; and whether municipalities became more capable of planning and governing mobility.

It should also examine long-term outcomes: changes in land use, economic activity around corridors, environmental effects, institutional learning and the degree to which the network supports a less fragmented city. These measures must sit alongside, not replace, ridership, reliability, revenue, subsidy and cost.

Crucially, evaluation cannot begin only when a system is in crisis. It must shape the entire policy lifecycle: before implementation, while services are being delivered and when funding is reviewed. Used properly, evaluation is not a post-mortem or a public-relations defence. It is a method of governing investment, correcting course and learning before failure becomes entrenched.

Do not cancel the ambition before answering the harder question

South Africa does not need a framework designed to declare every bus rapid transit system a success. It needs one capable of telling the truth; about financial weakness, operational failure, public benefit and unrealised potential at the same time. Policymakers, municipalities, funders, operators, researchers and commuters should agree on that framework openly, before irreversible decisions are taken.

If a programme should be reformed, the evidence must show what must change. If it should be replaced, the alternative must demonstrate how it will deliver the same public purpose more effectively. And if it is to be wound down, government must answer the question that balance sheets alone cannot resolve: how else will South Africa create public transport that is integrated, accessible, safe, dignified and capable of undoing spatial exclusion?

The greatest risk is not that some transport systems have underperformed. It is that the country will draw simple conclusions from complex outcomes, then build its next generation of transport policy on a partial diagnosis. South Africa should demand accountability for every rand invested. It should also demand an honest accounting of every public benefit; and every social cost of retreat.

Before we pronounce integrated public transport a failure, we must first agree on what success was meant to look like.

Thabo Nale and Jerry Moselakgomo

Scroll to Top